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Trump's Persian Gulf Trap: Two Blockades, One Economic War, and No Clear Victory

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
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Trump's Persian Gulf Trap
Trump's Persian Gulf Trap
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Trump's Persian Gulf Trap: Two Blockades, One Economic War, and No Clear Victory

By Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

A War in Which Both Sides Are Blockading—and Both Are Bleeding

The Persian Gulf has become the center of an extraordinary contradiction in modern warfare. The United States is attempting to strangle Iran's economy by restricting its petroleum exports, while Tehran is attempting to retaliate by obstructing maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Both governments possess substantial capabilities to damage international commerce, and both claim to be exercising considerable control over the movement of oil. Yet commercial vessels continue to sail, Iranian petroleum products reportedly reach foreign markets, and international energy companies are finding ways to operate around the restrictions. The confrontation raises an important question: If both sides can blockade one another, why has neither been able to achieve a decisive political result?

The answer lies in the fundamental difference between military superiority and economic control. A blockade does not have to be completely airtight to inflict enormous damage, but neither naval power nor geographical advantage guarantees control over an interconnected global economy. Petroleum markets consist of overlapping networks of producers, refineries, pipelines, shipping companies, insurers, financial institutions, and consumers. Disrupting one part of that system produces consequences throughout the network, including consequences for the government imposing the restrictions. Washington wants to deprive Tehran of petroleum revenue without driving international energy prices to politically unacceptable levels. Iran wants to impose economic costs on its adversaries without destroying its own ability to conduct international trade. Both governments are pursuing strategies that contain serious internal contradictions.

The conflict has therefore evolved into a contest of economic endurance rather than a straightforward demonstration of military power. The United States possesses overwhelming conventional superiority, but Iran retains geographical advantages and asymmetric military capabilities that allow it to threaten commercial shipping. Neither advantage automatically translates into a favorable political settlement. The central paradox of the confrontation is that both governments can impose substantial economic damage, yet neither can fully control the consequences of its own actions.

The Strait of Hormuz: Geography as an Instrument of Economic Warfare

The Strait of Hormuz connects the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and the Indian Ocean. At its narrowest point, the strait measures approximately 21 miles across, but its strategic importance is vastly greater than its geographical dimensions suggest. It serves as a critical maritime passage for petroleum exports from Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Iran. The international economy depends heavily on the uninterrupted movement of energy through this narrow corridor.

According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, approximately 20.9 million barrels of crude oil, condensate, and petroleum products passed through Hormuz daily during the first half of 2025. That represented approximately one-fifth of global petroleum liquids consumption and roughly one-quarter of maritime petroleum trade. More than one-fifth of international liquefied natural gas trade also passed through the strait, primarily from Qatar. These figures explain why even a partial disruption can influence petroleum prices, transportation costs, industrial production, and inflation across the world.

Iran has understood the strategic significance of this geography for decades. During the Iran-Iraq War, attacks on commercial shipping transformed the Persian Gulf into an international security crisis. The Tanker War demonstrated that relatively limited military operations could threaten a much larger commercial system. American naval intervention eventually produced direct military confrontation with Iran, including Operation Praying Mantis in April 1988. Although the present conflict differs substantially in technology and political circumstances, the underlying strategic principle remains recognizable: Iran does not need to defeat the American Navy in a conventional battle to impose serious economic costs. It needs only to make maritime transportation sufficiently dangerous, unpredictable, and expensive.

The American Blockade: Economic Success Without Complete Control

Washington's blockade operates through naval interdiction, financial sanctions, intelligence gathering, and pressure on international shipping networks. Its principal economic objective is to restrict Iran's petroleum revenue, thereby reducing the resources available to the Iranian government and its military institutions. The available reporting indicates that these restrictions have significantly affected Iranian crude exports. Shipping intelligence cited by Reuters reported that Iranian crude oil exports fell to zero in September, the first such monthly reading in Kpler's tracking records extending back to 2013. Although these estimates cannot establish that every possible shipment was prevented, they indicate a severe disruption of Iran's principal source of export earnings.

The situation becomes more complicated when refined petroleum products and liquefied petroleum gas are examined. An October 16 Reuters investigation reported that at least eight tankers carrying Iranian liquefied petroleum gas had managed to leave the Gulf of Oman since mid-July. Another vessel carrying Iranian jet fuel reportedly reached Myanmar in September. Some shipments involved ship-to-ship transfers near the Omani coast, while others moved toward Malaysian waters, with China identified as a possible ultimate destination. These movements demonstrate that the blockade has not eliminated every channel of Iranian petroleum commerce.

The distinction between crude oil and petroleum products is essential. Preventing the export of large volumes of crude oil is operationally different from identifying and intercepting smaller vessels carrying refined products or liquefied petroleum gas. Tankers can change flags, ownership arrangements, destinations, and identification practices. Cargoes can be transferred between vessels, making their origins increasingly difficult to establish. Modern maritime surveillance relies on satellite imagery, automatic identification systems, shipping records, and intelligence gathered from ports and financial institutions, but these methods cannot eliminate deception or guarantee the detection of every transaction.

Consequently, the American blockade can be economically effective without being militarily absolute. Tehran may lose most of its crude export revenue while retaining limited channels for petroleum products and other commercial activity. Those remaining channels can provide valuable foreign exchange and support essential economic operations, but they cannot necessarily compensate for the loss of large-scale crude exports. The persistence of some Iranian shipping therefore illustrates the limits of maritime enforcement rather than proving that the blockade is ineffective.

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D. Social Media Pages: Facebook Page       Twitter page url on login Profile not filled in       Linkedin page url on login Profile not filled in       Instagram Page

I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, America became my home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional career has centered on clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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Iran's Long History of Evading Sanctions: Why a Naval Blockade Is Different

Iran's ability to circumvent sanctions did not begin with the present Persian Gulf confrontation. Since the 1979 revolution, Tehran has spent decades adapting to restrictions on trade, banking, technology, and oil exports. Improvised purchasing evolved into networks of shippers, brokers, and foreign customers. The system never erased sanctions damage but prevented complete isolation.

The first American sanctions followed the embassy hostage crisis. Additional restrictions in the 1980s and 1990s encouraged Iranian businesses and state institutions to purchase equipment indirectly and use foreign intermediaries. The much tougher international measures of 2010–2013, including restrictions on banking and petroleum sales, accelerated this adaptation. When conventional international payments became difficult, Iranian traders relied more heavily on exchange houses, informal money-transfer arrangements, barter, and transactions routed through third countries. Costly and vulnerable to fraud, these channels kept trade alive.

The United States' withdrawal from the nuclear agreement in 2018 brought another wave of restrictions. Tehran responded by expanding discounted petroleum sales and developing more complicated shipping and payment arrangements. China became the principal destination for Iranian crude. Congressional Research Service reporting indicates that Iranian oil exports subsequently recovered substantially despite American sanctions, with Chinese buyers accounting for the overwhelming share of those purchases. Yet discounts, freight costs, and payment restrictions remained severe.

The so-called shadow fleet became central to this trade. Tankers operated through opaque ownership arrangements, changed flags or identifying information, and sometimes switched off tracking transmissions. Ship-to-ship transfers made cargo origins harder to establish. American Treasury investigations have described networks accused of representing Iranian petroleum as originating in Iraq or Malaysia, including transfers near Southeast Asian waters. Tracing cargo origins remained difficult.

Shipping, however, is only half the operation. A seller must also receive payment. Iranian-linked networks therefore developed arrangements involving foreign exchange companies, intermediaries, and alternative settlement channels. These systems have often rewarded those who control access to scarce foreign currency and international trade. The IRGC and entities linked to it have figured in U.S. Treasury investigations of petroleum transactions and shipping networks. This creates a disturbing economic paradox: organizations with privileged access to sanctions-evasion channels may preserve resources or collect commissions while ordinary Iranians suffer inflation, shortages, currency depreciation, and declining purchasing power.

China's role illustrates the limits of unilateral economic pressure. Its refiners have had commercial incentives to purchase discounted Iranian crude, while Beijing also has a powerful interest in stable global energy supplies. Foreign intermediaries may operate without explicit government approval, but their activities cross numerous jurisdictions. Effective enforcement consequently depends on cooperation among banks, insurers, ports, registries, intelligence agencies, and petroleum purchasers. Even extensive sanctions cannot automatically eliminate international demand for oil.

The current American naval blockade presents a more serious obstacle than financial sanctions alone. Denying a bank access to dollar transactions is different from physically stopping tankers. Direct maritime interdiction can sharply reduce export volumes, particularly large crude shipments, even when established evasion networks remain active. Yet reports of Iranian liquefied petroleum gas and jet-fuel shipments moving through regional waters indicate that some trade channels have survived. These shipments should not be confused with the restoration of Iran's former crude-export capacity.

Washington has repeatedly targeted the networks themselves, sanctioning vessels, companies, brokers, and financiers. Such enforcement can disrupt particular routes and make transactions more costly. But replacing a blacklisted vessel, changing an intermediary, or finding another buyer is precisely the kind of adaptation Iran's commercial networks have practiced for decades. The historical record therefore cautions against equating a successful enforcement operation with the permanent elimination of sanctions evasion.

None of this establishes that Iran can evade the present blockade indefinitely. Sanctions have inflicted serious damage on investment, industrial development, banking, and household living standards. Evasion is costly, frequently corrupt, and incapable of substituting for normal participation in the world economy. A naval blockade may also be substantially harder to overcome than earlier financial restrictions. The real question is whether Washington can restrict Iranian revenues faster than Tehran can adapt, and whether both governments can bear the political and economic costs of continuing the confrontation.

Iran's history since 1979 demonstrates two truths at once: economic coercion can severely damage a country, and determined commercial networks can keep portions of its trade alive. Restricting Iran's petroleum exports is one objective; eliminating every means of circumventing those restrictions is quite another.

Submitted on Sunday, Oct 18, 2026 at 9:06:20 PM

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