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                    "Oil markets are behaving as if the region\u2019s supply problems will soon resolve themselves. That confidence is becoming increasingly difficult to justify.By mid-September 2026, futures prices had repeatedly eased or paused on the basis of limited diplomatic signals, even as three major vulnerabilities were developing at the same time: Iran\u2019s effective control over the Strait of Hormuz, the Houthis\u2019 growing grip on the Bab al-Mandab, and the shutdown of Saudi Arabia\u2019s East\u2013West pipeline after attacks.\nThe problem is not simply that individual routes are under pressure. It is that the region is losing reliable alternatives. A pipeline may bypass Hormuz, but it provides little protection if it can also be attacked. A shipping route may remain technically open, but it is of limited value if insurers, crews, and operators consider it too dangerous to use.\nFutures markets can respond instantly to a headline about possible talks. They cannot reopen a pipeline, restore safe passage, reduce war-risk premiums, or rebuild confidence among shipping companies. Yet prices continue to treat these risks as temporary.\nHormuz Is No Longer a Dependable Commercial Route\nThe Strait of Hormuz remains the world\u2019s most important oil transit artery. In recent pre-conflict periods, it carried roughly one-fifth of global petroleum liquids, or around 20\u201321 million barrels per day. Since major hostilities between the United States and Iran began earlier in 2026, Tehran has exercised effective control over the conditions of passage through the strait. That control has included passage permits, restricted zones, attacks on vessels considered non-compliant, and the expansion of areas designated as unsafe.\nTraffic has fallen dramatically from the previous level of approximately 125 large commercial vessels per day. Recent figures have shown single-digit daily transits, with as few as seven vessels passing on some days. Crude flows have at times fallen to the low single-digit millions of barrels per day, far below normal levels.\nThis is more than a temporary disruption to shipping. It has damaged confidence in Hormuz as a dependable commercial route. Tit-for-tat attacks between U.S. and Iranian forces, including attacks on tankers, have repeatedly disrupted attempts to restore normal traffic.Iran\u2019s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has expanded no-go zones and threatened broader economic retaliation. At the same time, U.S. efforts to facilitate alternative routes or reduce Tehran\u2019s control have proved incomplete and costly.\nThe longer this continues, the harder it will be to restore normal traffic. Even if attacks decline, carriers, insurers, crews, and buyers must still believe that the route will remain open. Every new incident makes that confidence more difficult to recover.\nBab al-Mandab Is Becoming Another Pressure Point\nThe Bab al-Mandab, the southern gateway to the Red Sea, is facing a similar deterioration. For Gulf producers, it is not simply another maritime passage. It is one of the few possible alternatives for moving oil toward Asian and European markets when Hormuz is disrupted. The reported Houthi advance along Yemen\u2019s western coast, including the seizure of the strategic port of Mocha and key islands such as Perim, or Mayyun, at the entrance to the strait, would substantially strengthen the group\u2019s ability to threaten shipping.\nControl of these positions, combined with influence over the Hanish island group, would give Houthi forces a stronger position from which to monitor or disrupt vessels passing through a waterway that narrows to roughly 12\u201318 miles at critical points.That development is particularly important for Saudi Arabia.\nAs Riyadh redirected some oil away from Hormuz, it increasingly relied on Red Sea loadings through Yanbu. In other words, part of the risk was not removed; it was shifted from one chokepoint to another.\nHouthi attacks on Saudi-linked vessels and energy infrastructure have already weakened that alternative. August data showed sharp declines in Saudi Red Sea loadings, while some measures of Saudi production and exports fell to multi-decade lows. Production was reportedly close to 6 million barrels per day.The Houthis have declared Saudi vessels legitimate targets while suggesting that other shipping can remain safe. Such assurances are difficult to treat as a dependable basis for commercial planning. If the group can combine drones, missiles, coastal positions, and island-based surveillance, the threat becomes more than occasional harassment. It becomes a sustained challenge to the Red Sea route.\n\nSaudi Arabia\u2019s Main Bypass Has Been Taken Offline\nSaudi Arabia\u2019s East\u2013West pipeline, also known as Petroline, is the kingdom\u2019s principal overland alternative to Hormuz. The roughly 1,200-kilometre system links production centres in eastern Saudi Arabia, including the Abqaiq area, with the Red Sea terminal at Yanbu. The pipeline was expanded to a nameplate capacity of approximately 7 million barrels per day specifically to reduce Saudi Arabia\u2019s exposure to Hormuz. During the conflict, it operated close to full capacity as Riyadh tried to maintain exports through the Red Sea.\nPetroline was therefore more than a supplementary route. It was Saudi Arabia\u2019s main insurance policy against a disruption in the Gulf.\nOn September 10, 2026, the pipeline was hit by multiple attacks in the Riyadh and Medina regions, causing injuries. Saudi Arabia\u2019s Energy Ministry subsequently confirmed that operations had been suspended while safety assessments and security measures were carried out. The shutdown removes the kingdom\u2019s main alternative artery at precisely the moment when both maritime exits are under pressure. If the outage continues, Riyadh will face difficult choices: reduce production, rely more heavily on the already-threatened Red Sea route, or reorganise flows through infrastructure that was never designed to replace the full capacity of Hormuz.\nEarlier attacks linked to Houthi or Iranian networks had temporarily constrained the pipeline and related facilities. The latest shutdown is more serious because it comes amid a broader deterioration in regional security. It also makes a basic point about energy resilience: alternative capacity is useful only when the infrastructure behind it is secure.\nThe Market Is Pricing Hope, Not Physical Security\nThese three vulnerabilities are not isolated. They reinforce one another.\nBefore the conflict, Saudi Arabia\u2019s Petroline and the United Arab Emirates\u2019 Habshan\u2013Fujairah pipeline provided only partial relief roughly 4\u20137 million barrels per day combined, compared with approximately 20 million barrels per day of normal Hormuz flows. They were never capable of fully replacing the strait. Redirecting Saudi oil to Yanbu also increased dependence on the Bab al-Mandab. Now, with both maritime chokepoints under pressure and Petroline offline, much of the region\u2019s redundancy has disappeared.\nTanker traffic remains sparse and cautious. Insurance costs, war-risk premiums, freight rates, and crew reluctance all increase the effective cost of moving oil. Iranian exports have also been heavily constrained by U.S. measures, while non-Iranian Gulf volumes are facing greater difficulty reaching international markets through remaining routes. Paper markets, however, continue to treat these risks as temporary. Brent has moved toward or above $100\u2013110 per barrel during periods of escalation, only to retreat when reports emerge of possible talks in Oman, temporary shipping arrangements, or broader diplomatic openings.\nWeekly gains of roughly 9 percent have occurred alongside sharp intra-week declines. This pattern suggests that traders remain more responsive to the possibility of diplomatic relief than to the gradual damage being done to infrastructure and commercial confidence. Markets may be assuming that the confrontation will stabilise after the U.S. midterm elections, that military pressure will eventually weaken Iranian or Houthi capabilities, or that additional supply from the United States and Brazil together with inventory withdrawals and possible IEA releases will cover the shortfall.\nThose assumptions may eventually prove correct. But they do not explain the weakness of the physical indicators today. Transit numbers remain low, Saudi Red Sea loadings have fallen, Petroline is shut, and Houthi-controlled positions have expanded.\nThe gap between paper and physical markets is becoming increasingly important. Futures can fall because of market positioning, a stronger dollar, macroeconomic data, or a headline suggesting negotiations. Prompt physical differentials, freight rates, and refined-product margins particularly for diesel may tell a very different story.\n\nIf inventories have already been drawn down and refined products remain tight, a sustained multi-million-barrel-per-day shortfall could produce a much sharper price reaction once temporary optimism fades.\nThe market may also be confusing the absence of immediate full-scale escalation with evidence of de-escalation. They are not the same. A low-intensity confrontation can continue for weeks or months while quietly reducing flows, damaging infrastructure, increasing insurance costs, and weakening confidence in alternative routes.\nThe current configuration Iranian leverage over Hormuz, Houthi pressure on Bab al-Mandab, and a shuttered Saudi East\u2013West pipeline represents a serious increase in physical supply risk. Softer oil prices in this environment do not necessarily demonstrate durable confidence in a resolution. They may instead show that paper markets are underestimating how long the disruption can last and how the three vulnerabilities interact. Until transit volumes normalise without coercion, Petroline resumes secure operations, and alternative routes prove capable of withstanding sustained pressure, the gap between rising physical risk and relatively calm paper pricing will remain one of the oil market\u2019s greatest vulnerabilities.\nThe views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor."
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