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The prime minister visited the corridor following talks with U.S. Secretary of Defense Dr. Mark T. Esper. (DoD photo by Lisa Ferdinando)) Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison visits the ANZUS Corridor that commemorates the 1951 Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty, at the Pentagon, Washington, D.C., Sept. 20, 2019. The prime minister visited the corridor following talks with U.S. Secretary of Defense Dr. Mark T. Esper. (DoD photo by Lisa Ferdinando) (https://www.eurasiareview.com/category/opinion/) Opinion (https://www.eurasiareview.com/category/1/) 1 (https://www.eurasiareview.com/category/east-asia-pacific/) East Asia Pacific (https://www.eurasiareview.com/category/americas/) The Americas Has ANZUS Turned Australia Into A Target? Lessons From The Gulf And The Need For An Independent Defence Posture – OpEd (index.html) (6:42 pm) September 9, 2026 September 9, 2026 (https://www.eurasiareview.com/author/murray-hunter/) (Murray Hunter) Murray Hunter (index.html#respond) 0 Comments By (https://www.eurasiareview.com/author/murray-hunter/) (Posts by Murray Hunter) Murray Hunter (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/facebook?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (Facebook) (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/twitter?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (Twitter) (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/email?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (Email) (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/flipboard?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (Flipboard) (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/mastodon?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (Mastodon) (https://www.addtoany.com/add_to/linkedin?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.eurasiareview.com%2F09092026-has-anzus-turned-australia-into-a-target-lessons-from-the-gulf-and-the-need-for-an-independent-defence-posture-oped%2F&linkname=Has%20ANZUS%20Turned%20Australia%20Into%20A%20Target%3F%20Lessons%20From%20The%20Gulf%20And%20The%20Need%20For%20An%20Independent%20Defence%20Posture%20%E2%80%93%20OpEd) (LinkedIn) (https://www.addtoany.com/share) Key Takeaways: ANZUS (1951) sold Australia as a safe rear area while the U.S. fought in the Pacific. The author says that map is gone. Nautilus via The Guardian: U.S. forces or contractors touch ~110 of 168 surveyed Australian defence sites; Washington directly runs 17, including Pine Gap, a WA naval comms station for U.S. subs, and Tindal for nuclear-capable B-52s. Stirling’s Submarine Rotational Force-West and war-stock piles deepen the footprint. From Beijing’s chair, Australia is less host than base. AUKUS, sold as boats and know-how, is read here as force-posture integration: rotations, pre-positioned kit, air and logistics nodes. Long-range missiles, hypersonics, and drones erase the old buffer. Opening shots in a Taiwan or South China Sea fight could hit Australian nodes before the U.S. homeland—as Gulf hosts learned when U.S. sites there became targets. Two multipliers: China’s longer reach, and U.S. crises Canberra cannot veto. Alliance as faith, not a choice, maximises staging value and shrinks the option to sit out. Neutralism would not zero risk; it would cut the incentive to treat the continent as a first-night target. Mid-century assumptions vs 2026 weapons: the piece wants that audit before the next crisis. The ANZUS alliance has underpinned Australian defence thinking since it was created back in 1951. For generations ANZUS had been presented as the ultimate security guarantee, a far-back platform that would keep the continent safe while the United States projected power across the Pacific. That assumption no longer holds with any certainty, as US politics has now drastically changed. With an expanding American military footprint across Australian facilities, Australia has become a potential forward operating base and, consequently, a more attractive military target, very much as certain Gulf states discovered when they hosted U.S. assets during recent conflict in the Middle East. Recent reporting has made the scale of that footprint clearer. According to data compiled by the Nautilus Institute and highlighted in The Guardian, U.S. forces and defence contractors now control or have access to roughly two-thirds of surveyed Australian defence facilities, being around 110 out of 168 facilities. The United States directly controls 17 sites, including the critical Pine Gap intelligence complex, a naval communications station in Western Australia that supports submerged U.S. submarines, and expanding infrastructure at RAAF Base Tindal to accommodate nuclear-capable B-52 bombers. American defence contractors operate at additional locations. Preparations for permanent war-ready weapons stockpiles and the Submarine Rotational Force-West at HMAS Stirling further embed U.S. operational capacity on Australian soil. From a Chinese strategic perspective, as one analyst put it, Australia is less a host of U.S. bases than a U.S. base in its own right, a significant piece of real estate in America’s Pacific warfighting architecture. AUKUS has accelerated this transformation. What was sold as a technology-sharing and submarine-acquisition arrangement has evolved into a deeper integration of Australian territory into U.S. force posture planning. Rotational forces, prepositioned equipment, enhanced air cooperation, and logistics nodes are no longer peripheral. These are central to the US presence in the region. In an era of long-range precision missiles, hypersonic weapons, and massed drones, the old geographic buffer that once made Australia a relatively secure rear area has largely evaporated. Any adversary seeking to degrade U.S. power projection in the Indo-Pacific would logically prioritise the nodes that enable that projection. Thus, Australian facilities hosting American aircraft, submarines, intelligence assets, and stockpiles would rank high on any target list, quite possibly higher than continental U.S. territory itself in the opening phase of a crisis. The comparison with Gulf states is instructive. Hosting U.S. military infrastructure and forces conferred certain security benefits in peacetime but also created vulnerability once conflict erupted. Installations in the UAE, Bahrain and elsewhere became legitimate military targets because of their association with American operations. Australia risks a similar dynamic. In any accidental or deliberate escalation involving the South China Sea or Taiwan Strait, the presence of U.S. assets on Australian soil could draw fire earlier and more intensely than if the continent remained a more neutral or independent actor. Modern strike systems do not require the attacker to close geographically in the way earlier generations of conflict demanded, as military range and precision improvements have compressed the strategic map. Two further shifts compound the problem. First, the qualitative and quantitative improvement in Chinese military technology, particularly with their long-range missiles, drones, and power-projection systems, has altered the correlation of forces in the region. What once seemed a distant theoretical threat is now a more plausible operational one. Second, elements of U.S. strategic behaviour have at times appeared reckless or poorly calibrated, raising the probability that Australia could be pulled into crises not of its own making. ANZUS and AUKUS lock Canberra into American decision-making cycles with limited independent leverage. In a fast-moving kinetic exchange, Australian territory could be sacrificed or treated as expendable while the primary U.S. homeland remained relatively insulated. Australia continues to display a cultural and institutional reluctance to conduct a clear-eyed audit of its actual geopolitical position. Successive governments and the defence establishment have treated the U.S. alliance as an article of faith rather than a policy choice subject to continuous re-evaluation against changing technology, relative power, and national interest. The result is a posture that maximises Australia’s value as a staging platform while minimising its freedom to stay out of distant confrontations. An independent foreign and defence policy, or at least a more genuinely neutral stance would not eliminate all risk, but it would reduce the incentives for any adversary to treat the Australian continent as a primary target in a U.S.-centric conflict. The original logic of ANZUS rested on a different technological and strategic environment. Missiles and drones of today’s sophistication were not part of the 1951 calculation. Neither was the scale of integrated U.S. presence now visible across Australian facilities. Defence policy must adapt to these realities rather than cling to mid-twentieth-century assumptions. A serious national conversation is required. One that weighs the genuine benefits of alliance cooperation against the concrete increase in targeting risk, examines whether Australia’s security is better served by deep entanglement or by greater self-reliance and regional diplomacy, and asks whether the nation is prepared to accept the possibility of becoming collateral in someone else’s war. Continuing on the present path without such a review is not prudence, it is the uncritical acceptance of elevated vulnerability. Australia’s geography once conferred a measure of natural protection. Policy choices are steadily eroding that advantage. It is time to rethink the foundations of the pro-U.S. defence orientation before the next crisis tests those assumptions in the harshest possible way. About Murray Hunter Murray Hunter has been involved in Asia-Pacific business for the last 30 years as an entrepreneur, consultant, academic, and researcher. As an entrepreneur he was involved in numerous start-ups, developing a lot of patented technology, where one of his enterprises was listed in 1992 as the 5th fastest going company on the BRW/Price Waterhouse Fast100 list in Australia. Murray is now an associate professor at the University Malaysia Perlis, spending a lot of time consulting to Asian governments on community development and village biotechnology, both at the strategic level and “on the ground”. He is also a visiting professor at a number of universities and regular speaker at conferences and workshops in the region. Murray is the author of a number of books, numerous research and conceptual papers in referred journals, and commentator on the issues of entrepreneurship, development, and politics in a number of magazines and online news sites around the world. Murray takes a trans-disciplinary view of issues and events, trying to relate this to the enrichment and empowerment of people in the region. (https://www.eurasiareview.com/author/murray-hunter/) View all posts by Murray Hunter → Get the Eurasia Review newsletter Selected analysis, news, and opinion delivered by email. () First name or full name () () Email () () By continuing, you accept the privacy policy (Subscribe) Like what you read? Please consider supporting Eurasia Review. Thank you for your consideration! (FLR6KLQ89SCA6) (PayPal - The safer, easier way to pay online!) 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